If Aboul Fotouh wins Egypt’s presidential elections, regurgitations mentions of the word ‘taqiyya’ will increase by:
1) 100%
2) 150%
3) 200%
4) 300%
Send in your predictions. Winner(s) get(s) a cookie.
From ” Fils de Roi, Portraits d’Égypte ” - by Denis Dailleux !
(Source: endilletante)
A protester, wearing a Guy Fawkes mask, stands in front of Egyptian military police standing guard near the Ministry of Defense in the Abbassiya district of Cairo 30 April 2012.
غمض عينيك وارقص بخفة ودلع
الدنيا هيّ الشابة وانت الجدع
تشوف رشاقة خطوتك تعبدك
لكن انت لو بصيت لرجليك تقع
صلاح جاهين
By Mozn
Mona’s article was published in a time where, I have been in a process of critique to the different visions and approaches different feminists groups adopted since the revolution of the 25th of January. I argue that there are four main traps most of the feminists groups felled in as follows:
Gender vs. sex
One of the most dangerous traps opinion maker’s fell in when trying to promote women’s issues is generalization. Assuming that all women have the same needs and consequently will act and follow the same approaches in life. This is one main reasons for why some of feminist approaches fail to relate to daily women’s aspirations, challenges, and sufferings.
For many years, feminist schools did not tackle “masculinities” within feminist theory because of the assumption that feminism is only about women and not about deconstructing gender power and relationships. Considering “patriarchal” concepts as the main obstacle of achieving freedom, dignity and happiness for women without understanding their contexts and realities in their societies.
Love/hate relationship
The love/hate relationship is another trap within approaching women/men relationships. Promoters of this argument are trapped in taking the private to the public, falling into the dichotomy of do they love us or do they hate us?
Taking the Love/hate question from the private to the public ignores other crucial factors affecting women’s status in their societies, such as race, socioeconomics, accessibility to resources, and visibility. These factors are important in determining the nature of relationship between women and Men in the public sphere. The power relationships have no place in the love\hate relationship analysis. Love/hate relationships are for personal relationships and generalization for it for all gender.
Who represents women?
Feminists fell in is their attempt to use personal stories to support their argument. The challenge in this approach that the recipients does not particularly and shall not relate to these stories the same way as the feminists wants. Where others can also bring collective stories and claim that this also represents women’s utopian life they desire, this clearly happens when middle class women in Egypt tries to enforce their aspirations and visions as representative of all women.
People have the right to relate to their own personal experience and live in dignity. Our lessons learnt are that no one is representative to all Egyptian women.
Militarization of the state vs. Islamization of the state?
The last trap that feminists fell in since the revolution was answering the question: Who is our main enemy “Militarization of the state” or “islamization of the state”?
This dichotomy has been monopolizing feminist’s discourse and approaches. Promoters of that Militarization of the state believed that Islamization is the first enemy, while militarization could act as a protector of the civil state and women’s rights.
I would argue that for feminists to promote their believes they have to believe in a third road. For me as a feminist activist, referring to the so called “Islamic laws ” and using them to scare the public does not particularly help feminism. But rather deprived them more from the street.
Once the so called “Islamic Law” is codified as law. For us as feminist activists we have the tools to change these laws and it is different than having a military rule, trying to engendering women roles and closing the door for their existence in the public space as citizens aspiring freedom and dignity.
I would like to end my intervention by reminding all feminists women have the multiple identities and are multilayered. And for activists to succeed in changing their societies to the netter they have to relate to the women aspirations and needs. And agai I want to remind all of us that feminism is about choice!
I meant to quote an excerpt, but the entire piece is quotable!
Portrait Of A Young Egyptian Girl By Franz Xavier Kosler, 1900
(via androphilia)
In the last ten to fifteen years there has been a growing literature on heritage, memory, cultural landscapes and their relationship to contemporary identities. This literature largely focuses on case studies in the European and North American contexts, where for the past several decades there has been a concerted effort by states and business elites to share contemporary identities through the manipulation of cultural heritage. Manipulation may be a strong term here, but essentially these efforts involve a variety of modes of producing, editing, reconfiguring historical heritage and cultural landscape in hopes of inculcating certain ideas about the nation (or a smaller community within the nation), and ultimately about the self (the spectator/observer’s self identity). These are highly political processes and often involve large sums of capital.
Post-WWII culture and heritage production in “western” contexts was closely tied to the shifting political landscapes. Identities had to be created, communities had to be united and powers had to be assigned in the wake of a world war and the emergence of new global dynamics. Monuments had to be created, holidays celebrated, parades planned, cities preserved and rebuilt, museums established, narratives constructed. Although Greeks or southern Italians may have much in common with Egyptians, they had to be reoriented as Europeans who supposedly have more in common with Germans than Egyptians. Mediterranean identity between the north and south was severed and an European identity was solidified.
But how does a place like Egypt fit into these processes?
Read the rest here.
Introducing the Beardometer, a political sliding scale for understanding Egypt’s presidential elections.
By @Karlremarks
(Source: karlremarks.blogspot.com)
“Allah Yenawwar” or “May God light your path” says the smiling police officer to me as I work on a four-meter high mural together with Ammar Abo Bakr. The mural is an image of a protester being dragged by two Military Police officers and its based on a sketch that Ammar drew just last night, which is based on a photograph taken in Alexandria and posted online only yesterday afternoon.
People hanging around the near by parking lot bring us tea and coffee, and the guy running the public toilet close by tells us we can pee for free. At least six Central Security trucks are parked in close vicinity, but we work away without trouble. Nothing can seemingly go wrong today, I think to myself.
Five hours later, however, I am proved wrong. A crew from Japanese television shows up and starts filming. A little commotion starts around the crew and a debate about the Egyptian military leads to a debate about the mural-in-progress.
“This is wrong!” some people proclaim. Others ask “why don’t you draw something nice about the military?”
Ammar and I try to explain that we are merely drawing a factual scene, not even expressing a personal opinion. Someone proclaims “well maybe the military police is arresting a thug and protecting the country.”
Okay, I say. So if I’m drawing military police arresting a thug, you shouldn’t be offended. The mural should make you proud of military police, I argue.
“Well, it doesn’t say that he’s a thug in the drawing, does it?!” he notes.
Exactly, I respond, so you will see him as a thug if you think they’re doing the right thing. Someone else might think they’re arresting an innocent protestor. It’s up to the viewer to decide.
“No, I don’t like it! ERASE IT NOW!!” he commands us.
Why do you want to blind people from the truth, I ask? Let them see it, go home, and think about it.
“WE WANT TO STAY BLINDED,” he screams, “WE’RE A NATION OF SONS OF BITCHES, OKAY?”
Okay, I say. And we pick up our things and leave, as hordes of people rush to deface the incomplete mural.
El Teneen - Feministing (Cairo) (via paxmachina)
(Source: fattysaid)